The “trust” relationship that Leire Díez, considered Ferraz’s fixer, attributes to herself with the director general of the Civil Guard is a constant in the investigation that has uncovered the plot to deactivate police and judicial investigations affecting Pedro Sánchez’s most intimate circle. In the summary of the well-known Leire case, meetings and contacts between Díez and Mercedes González are recorded since Pedro Sánchez appointed the latter to the position in September 2024. In fact, the Central Operative Unit (UCO) places her at the headquarters of the Armed Institute’s directorate, on Guzmán el Bueno street (Madrid), and does so through a geolocation of her mobile phone when her movements were already being investigated.
This is stated by the team in the police report that is part of the summary directed by judge Santiago Pedraz. There is a key date: December 10, 2024, where the UCO dates the first elements that “evidence” that Leire Díez would be providing the director general of the Armed Institute with “information derived from the apparently criminal activity she was developing at that time and which, as has been explained, would have had as one of its objectives the Civil Guard itself and, more specifically, “the Central Operative Unit and some of its members”.
Specifically, these conclusions are based -among other situations- on the content of the meeting held on that date by the fixer, businessman Pérez Dolset, the lawyer considered to be part of the PSOE’s sewer system Jacobo Teijelo (also indicted), and Juan Sánchez Yepes, Civil Guard captain indicted for collaborating with the plot.
During the meeting, Díez alluded to the “trust” relationship she maintains with Mercedes González, according to the police report, as well as stating that she would contact her to convey some demands from Captain Yepes […]. “In principle, in principle, my next conversation will be with the director of the Civil Guard […] she is someone I trust,” Leire Díez concluded.
“This is not the first allusion to her close relationship with the director general of the Civil Guard made by Ferraz’s fixer. Already in September of that same year, she made clear her relationship with González. It was when her appointment took place. “I have to talk to Mercedes. There is no trust with Marlaska (the Minister of the Interior, Fernando Grande-Marlaska). I’ll call her today,” the UCO emphasizes.
From the content of these messages where she states not having trust with “Marlaska” and contrasting it with “Mercedes,” “it can be inferred that she did have it with the latter.” These messages occurred just a few days after her appointment, the UCO adds.
González’s figure within the Civil Guard has raised many suspicions, starting with the fact that when she took office, she combined it for five months with the General Secretariat of the PSOE of Madrid. She has always been considered a “party woman”.
In fact, Pedraz links her to the PSOE’s sewer system and considers that she investigated agents, stimulated by members of the criminal organization who, among other areas, tried to take root in the Civil Guard. The intention would have been to intimidate them and arouse distrust towards them.
